During celebrations commemorating the second anniversary of the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), Government of South Sudan (GoSS) President and Vice-President of the Republic Salva Kiir made clear that the agreement was facing a crisis and there was a growing risk of a return to war. In particular, he blamed Khartoum’s continuing support for Other Armed Groups (OAGs).

The ongoing peace talks between the Government of Uganda and the Lord’s Resistance Army/Movement (LRA/M) in Juba, the capital of South Sudan, have created renewed international interest in the conflict in northern Uganda. While the negotiations have proved extremely difficult, they have opened up new channels of communication with the LRA. The talks have also allowed the affected population of Eastern and Western Equatoria, South Sudan, to voice their grievances against the LRA and raise questions about the conduct of the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) in Sudan.

Borderlands in the Horn of Africa have long been the focus of conflict, partly because they are ill-defined, but more because they are areas where government authority tends to be minimal. As a result, they provide a suitable environment for the development and operation of armed groups dedicated to political or criminal activities. Where these groups have a political character they are largely a response to state domination by minority groups or are the product of government efforts to destabilize or overthrow neighbouring governments.

A Paramilitary Revolution: The Popular Defence Forces provides a historical review of the Popular Defence Forces (PDF) from 1989 until 2006, focusing on its emergence and evolution as a national institution. The objective is to provide a historical view of an organization that has remained vaguely defined, as well as an analysis of its role and capabilities since the signing of the CPA.

The contention that the Darfurian conflict is being ‘exported’ to eastern Chad via janjawid militia has received widespread coverage. However, this is a dangerous oversimplification of the ethnic and political dynamics of the region, and most especially neglects the importance of the political crisis in Chad. Khartoum and N’Djamena have been engaged in an on-again, off-again proxy conflict using one another’s rebel movements since the Darfur conflict began in 2003, most intensively since 2005.

In recent years, the presence of arms in refugee and internally displaced person (IDP) camps in the Darfur region has led observers to describe them as militarized. Though the term is evocative, it is imprecise and does not adequately describe the complex situations in which many displaced Darfurians are living.

Beyond 'Janjaweed': Understanding the Militias of Darfur is not a comprehensive account of the scores of tribal militias that have been armed by, or cooperated with, the government. Its subject is not the human rights violations committed in the course of the counterinsurgency. Rather, it seeks to disentangle the militias and to begin to understand their motivations and grievances.

Rhetoric and Reality: The Failure to Resolve the Darfur Conflict, based on interviews with mediators, government officials, humanitarian workers, and militia and rebel leaders, traces the troubled history of peace efforts after Abuja.

The Other War: Inter-Arab Conflict in Darfur examines the background to and the development of the fighting between camel-herding Abbala and cattle-herding Baggara, the main players, and some of the possible repercussions.

Also available in ARABIC.

DDR in Sudan: Too Little, Too Late? takes a critical look at the ongoing DDR programme in Sudan. It reviews the historical background of the programme as well as the key players working to implement it. It examines the programmatic design from a technical perspective and reviews progress to date as well as some of the noteworthy implementation challenges faced.